For
good or ill, homogeneity will induce conformity and collectivism—perhaps unconsciously
enforced by epigenetics. And conformity
and collectivism has risks. Under this prospective
regime, the individual might be as discernable to the human eye as is a seal
lying supine amid a sea of barking sames. Such
colonies might be attuned in the collective to some dangers but will they be alert
to the dangers of conformity and collectivism?
Or, will homogeneity eliminate the discernment and discrimination that defined
and preserved our species? Also, will compromises
between truly heterogeneous ideas and individuals become impossible? Or, will divergent psychology and behavior,
bifurcated by identity and reinforced by epigenetics, irreconcilably divide and
ultimately destroy society? Without more
time and information, to the general satisfaction, we mortals can’t say for
certain. But while we retain the consciousness
and discretion to discern the risks inherent in the homogeneity of homosexual
unions, before diversity is pared and paired away epigenetically—shouldn’t we
exercise caution, investigate the effects of homogeneous pairing across
generations, and openly debate the merits and demerits of what is a draconian,
unprecedented, unpopular, and unscientific shift in social policy?
It
is unfortunate that this reasoned thesis might incense some. They may accuse the author of ‘hate speech’—denounce
him as a ‘hater’—because he advocates caution, discretion, study, debate, and
time. They may seek to censor or silence
him as they have others. Or, levy new economic
and social sanctions against him for his opinions. And they may succeed—if so nefarious a thing
can be termed success.
Remarkably,
anti-diversity in the form of censorship has flourished in America: opposition to gay marriage has not really had
a hearing recent years in any mass media outlet—including outlets as avowedly
conservative as Fox News (ie. consider the Craig James firing). The silencing of dissent about gay marriage
in America coincides with America’s plunge in terms of relative press
freedom: Reporters Without Borders has demoted
the United States in its international press freedom index from a ranking of
number 17 in 2002, the first year the index was produced, to number 46 in 2014—to
a position between its new peers, Romania and Haiti. Perhaps the censorship of opposition to gay
marriage in America arose much as it has emerged in Italy: the Italian press, which reports from an
overwhelmingly Catholic country, has recently been enjoined by a European decree
to portray total societal acceptance of and to gag all opposition to homosexual
relations and unions. For a reporter to
contradict such censorious edicts from supranational sovereigns may be to
sacrifice one’s standing and career in media—such edicts may be enough to cow
content providers. Apparently, one of
the risks of the homogeneity of homosexual unions is not just manifest but is,
in fact, realized—conformity in the form of coercive political correctness already
chills free speech and stamps out diversity of opinion in the American and
international media.
Moreover,
an incapacity for compromise appears already in America in the scorched earth
strategies of those who promote, as a minority, homogenous marriages. For example, many of these partisans refuse
to buy the products (ie. chicken at
Chick-Fil-A) of their political opposition.
For example, observe how the promotion and continued employment of
Mozilla’s eminently qualified co-founder, the creator of JavaScript, from Chief
Technology Officer to Chief Executive Officer was contemporaneously undermined
by Mozilla employees and a Mozilla-affiliated company, OK Cupid, because he
made a contribution to support Proposition 8.
Observe the contemporaneous departures by members of the Mozilla Board
after he was promoted. Apparently, he
was rejected as unfit to lead not because he once opposed gay marriage (even Harry
Reid and Barack Obama did this) but because he would not renounce his beliefs
and affirm gay marriage.
An
un-diverse incapacity for compromise also appears in federal workplace policies
promulgated by the Justice Department—the arm of the executive charged with establishing
justice in America. While the
Constitution provides that “no religious test shall ever be required as a
qualification to any public Trust under the United States”, the Attorney
General has promulgated workplace policies that assay one’s affirmation of
alternative lifestyles. To comply,
managers: “DON’T judge or remain silent….. Silence will be interpreted as
disapproval”; “Attend LBGT events sponsored by DOJ Pride”; “display a symbol” (ie.
a DOJ Pride sticker). The persons
promulgating these policies are not content to censor others, they require a
pledge of allegiance to LGBT lifestyles.
For many, this is unconscionable.
It would require a renunciation of their faith—as a test of their
compliance with unconstitutional workplace policy.
An
incapacity for compromise advances in our courts. Observe how judges have, by fiat, recently
overturned statutes and amendments defining marriage in many states—including
conservative states—contrary to the popular will. In rejecting the popular will, the judiciary
does not appear to be deliberative—but desperate, inflammatory, and uncompromising.
For example, consider how Wisconsin and Indiana were given a pre-verdict bench whipping by "conservative" Illinois judge Richard Posner as they sought to defend their populist constitution and laws. He interrupted their arguments early and often to lecture them and to observe: "You don't have any empirical or even conjectural basis for your law.....funny." Does Mr. Posner have any empirical or even conjectural basis against the laws--is that why he is altogether dismissing populist laws--at the risk of inflaming the majorities (ie. 3.3 million Wisconsin voters) who passed the laws on some basis whether empirical or conjectural? In his book "Reflections on Judging" Mr. Posner observes: "in many cases judges can't have any confidence in the soundness of their decisions if they do not have empirical data concerning the likely consequences of deciding the case one way or another" (never mind the rule of law) but apparently Mr. Posner will make this decision based on conjecture only and needs no empirical data--because empirical data about same sex marriage is virtually non-existent. Same sex households only made their debut in U.S. Census Bureau data in 2010 (in the American Community Survey estimates)--representing 1% of the population. Questions such as those that follow about same sex households cannot be answered empirically with data. What is the duration of a typical same-sex union? What fraction of the $250,000 cost to rear a child is incurred by a same-sex household? If it is much lower than the fraction incurred by an average household, does this economic disadvantage deter other Americans from child-bearing? What is the typical level of educational attainment, crime rate, divorce and separation rate, suicide rate, unemployment rate, median income, savings rate, and tax rate among same-sex households and among households comprised of children raised by same-sex households? At present, these questions cannot be answered with data. Even if Mr. Posner, the most cited legal scholar in America, omits to consider whether law or justice will be coherent without the Judeo-Christian moral objectivity of America's founders, without empirical data to support "the soundness of (his) decision"--which data does not exist--Mr. Posner's opinion, to redefine marriage by overturning populist laws, must be based solely and hypocritically on conjecture. It must be arbitrary and make laws arbitrary.
For example, consider how Wisconsin and Indiana were given a pre-verdict bench whipping by "conservative" Illinois judge Richard Posner as they sought to defend their populist constitution and laws. He interrupted their arguments early and often to lecture them and to observe: "You don't have any empirical or even conjectural basis for your law.....funny." Does Mr. Posner have any empirical or even conjectural basis against the laws--is that why he is altogether dismissing populist laws--at the risk of inflaming the majorities (ie. 3.3 million Wisconsin voters) who passed the laws on some basis whether empirical or conjectural? In his book "Reflections on Judging" Mr. Posner observes: "in many cases judges can't have any confidence in the soundness of their decisions if they do not have empirical data concerning the likely consequences of deciding the case one way or another" (never mind the rule of law) but apparently Mr. Posner will make this decision based on conjecture only and needs no empirical data--because empirical data about same sex marriage is virtually non-existent. Same sex households only made their debut in U.S. Census Bureau data in 2010 (in the American Community Survey estimates)--representing 1% of the population. Questions such as those that follow about same sex households cannot be answered empirically with data. What is the duration of a typical same-sex union? What fraction of the $250,000 cost to rear a child is incurred by a same-sex household? If it is much lower than the fraction incurred by an average household, does this economic disadvantage deter other Americans from child-bearing? What is the typical level of educational attainment, crime rate, divorce and separation rate, suicide rate, unemployment rate, median income, savings rate, and tax rate among same-sex households and among households comprised of children raised by same-sex households? At present, these questions cannot be answered with data. Even if Mr. Posner, the most cited legal scholar in America, omits to consider whether law or justice will be coherent without the Judeo-Christian moral objectivity of America's founders, without empirical data to support "the soundness of (his) decision"--which data does not exist--Mr. Posner's opinion, to redefine marriage by overturning populist laws, must be based solely and hypocritically on conjecture. It must be arbitrary and make laws arbitrary.
If
heterogeneous speech and acts continue to be repressed in America by an
uncompromising, censorious, anti-diversity minority, we might anticipate at any
day now the establishment of that most homogeneous regime of all, totalitarianism--a
regime in which all expression and all thought yield--a regime which sacrifices
humanity and humans--to homogenous ideology.
This
trend leaves many of us wondering, what is the paradigm of this anti-diversity minority? We recognize that censorship and political
persecution—even censorship and persecution of ‘bigots’--is un-American. Alarm about this trend is increased by
observing that one of the declared goals of the Communist party (in 1963) was
to “present homosexuality, degeneracy, and promiscuity as ‘normal, natural, and
healthy’”—a goal this censorious minority supports. We recall it was communism and its isms like
Stalinism and Maoism which dictated that some individuals, identities, and
ideas were dispensable, and so, dispensed of them. We remain incredulous that this is their
ideal only because once speech is subdued, once folks are just factors, can these
fellow Americans really expect not to be an eventual offering on their own anti-diversity
altar?
For more on this topic, see the post entitled "Abraham Lincoln, Conspiracy Theorist".
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